Feminism

You call yourself feminist,
you talk big things, big names,
in accented English,
Butler, Horney,
and some guy called Foucault
whose name seems to be a fashion
in pubs, clubs and all your hubs,
where you people ‘chill’.
We know a little,
we cannot talk ‘big’ things,
because Phule, Periyar, Ambedkar
are not big enough to you,
neither are Vaanathi or Anuradha,
nor is the person from China
who said women hold up half the sky.
They are, as you say, “crude”.

You call yourself feminist,
you talk of equality,
and you oppose reservations
and demonstrate in the streets,
side by side, shoulder to shoulder
with men from your caste.
“Merit”, you say.
What ‘merit’ could we have
after being oppressed
by the very same men of your caste
for centuries altogether?
But then, as you say, “quality matters”.

You call yourself feminist,
you light candles for Jessica,
take out processions for Aarushi,
send pink chaddis to Ram Sene,
when they attacked your pubs,
Did you send a pink hanky
to your Army men
who rape us with AFSPA?
Did you light even a matchstick
for Shopian, Kandhamal or Khairlanji?
Did you bother to google
about Jaffna, Amparai, Vavuniya?
But then, we are “different women”.

You call yourself feminist,
you have boyfriends in the army,
which we know is a patriarchal body,
we know – we the women
of Kashmir, Manipur, Nagalim,
because the masculinity of your ‘heroes’
is the biggest instrument of terror we face.
But you call us “terrorist problem”.

You call yourself feminist,
your battlefields are LSR, Hindu, Xaviers,
and that island called JNU,
where you wage your “heroic struggles”
for “gender justice”, you claim.
You shout “Chauvinist!”
if some man just leers at you,
and people listen.
But what about us, the unknown faces?
Your police, your CRPF,
your Cobra, your greyhounds,
all the defenders of your interests,
do a lot more with us besides leering.
Our zones are not protected campuses
like yours – but we still fight
for our land, water and forest
in Lalgarh, Jharkhand, Chattisgarh
But our struggles are not as ‘heroic’ as yours
We are, as you say, “anti-nationals”.

You call yourself feminist,
you think you are liberated
by cigarette, ganja and vodka,
shorts and t-shirts,
pepe and reebok,
but our struggle for human dignity
which your society and state have denied us,
you call “violent” and “irrational”.

You call yourself feminist,
Well, we are feminists too,
only that our colours differ,
for your feminism is pink.
The colour of your 1000 rupee lipstick,
of your rosy skin,
conditioned by soaps and creams
that your richness can buy
safe from heat and cold,
rain and storm.
Safe from police lathis,
their boots or bullets.

The colour of our feminism
is the colour of agony,
when we were violated
when our loved ones were killed
It is the colour of rage,
at the forces of oppression
that seek to crush our voices, our dreams.
It is the colour of vengeance,
which we will wreak on inhumanity
- yours included.
It is the colour of liberation,
which we will achieve
through struggle and sacrifice.
It is the colour of our blood,
which we will shed,
for a better future
for mankind – and womankind.

For our feminism is red.

Heroes Day Celebration at JNU

PHOTO EXHIBITION ON TAMIL EELAM FREEDOM STRUGGLE

The exhibition seeks to cover the course of the struggle of the Eelam Tamils for their home land. The majoritarian-racist Sinhala-state has sought to crush the legitimate aspirations of the Tamils ever since the 50’s through a series of chauvinist policies. Systematic attempts were made by the Lankan state to destroy the national culture, language, heritage and economy of the Tamils. Institutionalized discrimination, pogroms, repressive laws and state terror were used to render the Tamils as third-class citizens. These measures continue even today in a far worse manner – thousands of displaced persons generated by the Lankan state’s brutal ‘war on terror’ have been herded into concentration camps where they are subject all forms of atrocities imaginable. This only further legitimizes the position that an independent state of Tamil Eelam is the only solution for the problems of the Tamils.

The Tamils have heroically fought for their homeland against imperialist backed Sinhala aggression and will continue to do so.

On the historical occasion of Heroes Day, a day to commemorate the martyrs of the Eelam struggle, this exhibition is organized to express our solidarity with the Eelam Tamils.

ALL ARE INVITED!

Date: 27th November, 2009 (evening)
Venue: Ganga Dhaba
Delhi Tamil Students Union

My Investigative Project on Mandapam Camp

A FUTURE OF UNCERTAINTY: TAMIL REFUGEES AT THE MANDAPAM CAMP

The activity on the street was dull. There were some shops on both sides of the road, albeit without many customers. Vendors were squatting on the road, selling fruits and vegetables, though there were not many takers. An old woman had her cart parked in a shade and was swatting away her customers of the day – flies that were hovering over her fruits. Only the tea shop was a bit crowded. Yet, the people there spoke in low voices, as if they were under close scrutiny. The aura of pathos in the whole locality was unmistakable, it hit you in your face. Welcome to the Mandapam refugee camp.

The Mandapam refugee camp, which is at a distance of about 25 km from the temple town of Rameswaram, was originally built to accommodate Indian Tamils from Sri Lanka who were repatriated to India after the island country gained independence. After the civil war erupted in Sri Lanka, the Mandapam camp served as a transit camp for Tamils fleeing persecution in Sri Lanka. In his book Between Fear and Hope, Dr. Suryanarayan states that “geographical contiguity, easy availability of boats and ethnic affinities made Tamil Nadu a natural choice when large sections of Sri Lankan Tamils were forced to leave their country.”

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) 1967 Protocol pertaining to refugee law defines a refugee as a person “who owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country; or who, not having a nationality and being outside the country of his former habitual residence as a result of such events, is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to return to it.” The protocol also has regulations for the treatment of refugees by the host country. However, with India not being a signatory to the UN convention on refugee law, there are no concrete law for refugees as such in India. The only instances where the UNHCR could intervene was in cases of forced repatriation. Thus, as far as the Sri Lankan Tamil refugees are concerned, they are almost entirely at the mercy of the Indian state.

The Mandapam refugee camp is strictly off limits to the media and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGO). The constant patrolling of the police and the omnipresence of the Q branch make it almost impossible for outsiders to enter the camp without being noticed. Photography or videography anywhere near the locality is frowned upon. “The tight vigilance is mainly due to security reasons,” said A. Arunachalam, Assistant District Collector, Mandapam, “This is the government policy towards all camps and this one is no exception.” However, he admitted that the security in camps hosting Sri Lankan Tamils was tighter owing to a strong fear by the government of possible militant infiltration. Dr. V. Suresh of the People’s Union for Civil Liberties alleged that the government was not willing to allow NGOs or the press or even human rights organizations into the camps because the conditions prevailing in the camps were so pathetic that it would provoke a scandal. A policeman who did not want to named said that post-Rajiv Gandhi assassination, there has been considerable paranoia among the state authorities about a possible presence of Tamil Tigers among the refugees and hence, there are restrictions on people entering the camp.

After the refugees arrive in Rameswaram, they are taken to the collector’s office and registered. Meanwhile, the intelligence and the Q branch do a background check of the person. If the person is suspected to have militant links, he or she is sent to the special “camp” for militants at Chengalpet. The Mandapam camp then serves as a transit camp. Most of the refugees, after a brief period of stay, are sent to camps across the state. There are currently 117 camps across the state which are home to over 78000 refugees. The Organization for Eelam Refugees Rehabilitation (OfERR) plays an important role in coordinating the process of settlement of refugees in these camps. Even after the refugees are transferred to the various camps, they are under constant scrutiny and are routinely subjected to checks.

The most closely monitored camp, of course, is the Mandapam camp. This camp is currently home to over 3200 refugees. When Dr. Abdul Kalam visited Rameswaram on the 2 October, 2008, each and every house at the camp was checked and the police were on rounds the entire day. This routine is repeated every time a celebrity visits the city.

Sukumar*, a native of Jaffna, said that it was only because conditions back home were far worse that he put up with difficulties here. “It is impossible to live with honour here, but at least, we get to live,” he said. He accused the officials of high-handedness and rude behaviour while dealing with the refugees. “I have seen cattle treated better,” he said.

42-year old Sukumar, who is married with 3 children, ran a trading business back in Jaffna with a decent income. He fled Sri Lanka for India in November 2006, after the conflict between the Sri Lankan government and the Tigers began worsening. He spent a sum of 5 lakhs to get to Rameswaram. “I lost all my property,” he said, “I have now been reduced to a status of a beggar.” He then added, with unconcealed pride in his voice, that there are no beggars in Jaffna.

Housing is a chief problem for the refugees. While the houses are barely sufficient to accommodate the refugees, most of them are in poor condition. These houses, most of which are 40 to 50 years old, have feeble walls and improper roofs, making them all the more miserable during the rainy season. Sanitation is yet another problem. The camp does not have adequate toilets. Sudhakaran*, a Sri Lankan Tamil refugee who works at the ADC’s office, said that long queues outside the toilets every morning has become a hallmark of the camp. The most affected by the absence of adequate toilets are the women, who find it most difficult to relieve themselves anywhere else.

The financial problem compounds all other problems faced by the refugees. There are about 980 families in the camp. The head of the family is allotted a sum of Rs. 400 while every other adult is allotted a sum of Rs. 288. The first child is provided a sum of Rs. 180 and other children are provided a sum of Rs. 90 each. 12 kg of rice and 5 litres of oil are provided to every family. But many refugees allege that it is hardly sufficient to meet daily expenses. The refugees are allowed to go to nearby locations to earn their wages, after registering the details of their work with the authorities concerned. Most of the people working in the stalls and as vendors on the street leading to the camp are Sri Lankan Tamils. Many also find employment as helpers in fisheries nearby, as housemaids or as daily wage labourers. They have to return to the camp by 8 PM.

Wilson* (35), a merchant from Vavuniya, lamented that the basic amenities provided in the camp were hopeless. “The rice that is provided is so bad that some people actually sell it outside to buy better rice.” While telling that he and his family were not used this kind of “cheap food,” he added ruefully that even dogs get better rice back in Eelam. He said that the authorities were reluctant to let outsiders inside the camp because it would bring out the government’s failures to light. “When people like Vaiko and Nedumaran were not allowed entry, how can journalists get in?” he asked.

Wilson also accused the authorities in the camp of corrupt practices. “We do not get the amount of oil that is due. Most often, we get a litre less.” Sukumar, who agreed with Wilson’s allegation, said that the sentries at the gate frequently extorted money from those who had gone out to earn. “They know who is working where and get a commission accordingly. They don’t even spare the fruit vendors,” he said. Wilson remarked that “Back home, we try to give to the needy even if we have less. Over here, the politics and society has become so morally corrupt that people steal even from the poorest of poor, even if they have enough.” He also said that back home, “Annan” would have had the corrupt shot.

The admiration that Wilson and Sukumar had for “Annan” – Velupillai Prabhakaran – was evident from the deferential manner in which they referred to him. Both held the Tamil Tigers in high regard. “It is sad that they had to resort to violence, but what other option is there?” asked Wilson. He also said that many “valiant freedom fighters” had given up their lives for the sake of the Tamil society and that it was impossible to think of a future for the Eelam Tamils without taking the Tigers into consideration. Sukumar said that most of the refugees supported the Tamil Tigers heart of hearts and wanted Prabhakaran to emerge victorious in the conflict. They were afraid to come out in the open for that would lead to interrogation and possible detention by the authorities. When asked whether the refugees were not aware of the fact that the Tamil Tigers were an organization that received less support even among Tamil Nadu’s political parties, Sukumar replied sarcastically “Where did these political parties go when our houses were bombed?”

It is hard for the refugees to not have such leanings. According to Dr. Suryanarayan, “Every refugee is a tale of human suffering. Every refugee is an illustration of man’s inhumanity to man.” He contends that the Sri Lankan Tamil refugees are a product of a particular political process and it would be naïve to expect them not to possess strong political opinions. Their resentment against the state that has offered them succour is credited to the fact that they are currently leading lives that are far below the standards they once enjoyed.

K.K. Mathivathanam, Co-ordinator of the OfERR centre at the Mandapam camp, had a more charitable view of the Indian government. “Despite India not being a signatory to any refugee law, the fact that it is allowing sanctuary the Sri Lankan Tamil refugees speaks volumes about its magnanimity,” he said. Claiming that the refugees ought to be grateful to India, he said that some of the grievances were overplayed. “While it is true that the sudden change of standards is difficult for many to adapt to, we should realise that we have come from a poor country to a poorer country. We cannot expect to be served biryani in a country where there is no rice for many of its own citizens.” He pointed out that there were no starvation deaths in any of the camps while were many cases across the country and that while water supply was a problem in many parts of the state, it was never a problem in the camps.

Accepting that sanitation and housing was a problem, he said that OfERR was taking all efforts possible to find a solution. “We are also conducting coaching classes, right from the primary level to the graduate level. We facilitate self-help groups and promote adult literacy. OfERR also offers counselling and various medical and health programmes.” Claiming that there were not many instances of harassment by authorities, he said that it would be immature to expect the state to allow a free run of militants.

Mathivathanam felt that it would be great if the refugees were allowed to apply for Indian citizenship. “After all, despite all inadequacies, one can find peace here. We can be sure that houses wont be bombed, that our women and children are safe. We can sleep knowing that we will wake up to the next day. We can say that we are Tamils without fear.”

A young girl, probably in her late teens, walked out of the gate of the camp. Wearing a red churidar, with a wheatish complexion and her waist length hair let loose, she was strikingly pretty. She smiled at the old woman with the cart, but it was a lifeless smile. Her brown eyes revealed something else. They revealed tragedy.

Some Reflections on The Dark Knight

Its been a year since The Dark Knight hit the screens. I am not much of a movies person but I should say that this flick had an impact on me. I am not attempting to write a movie review but rather analyzing the characters of the protagonist and the antagonist, their world views.

I used to like Batman as a kid. The concept of a “good guy” standing up for what is “right” and beating up the baddies all by himself is definitely appealing. That too, for Indian kids, who are conditioned by their socialization with family and education to believe that order is the ideal, a defender of social stability would appear a hero. And the caped crusader’s portrayal as a “dark character” also added to his charm. But that was childhood. Intellectual maturity unfortunately does not allow the bliss of naïve romanticism.

The first four Batman movies had a lot of gadgets, goofy villains, hot women, fight scenes – but little stuff to ponder about. Batman Begins was a break from those kid-flicks and had a sober theme. But The Dark Knight, with its striking closeness to reality, took super-hero movies to a different level. Though movies like Underworld, X-men, Spiderman too have some underlying social themes, none have been as provocative or as hard hitting as the Dark Knight. Christopher Nolan has made a daring attempt to cast light on the dark side of society and the human psyche. But perennial skeptic that I am, I had to find flaws in his judgement.

If you belong to that school of thought that believes that there is no art that is aloof from class and politics, then you will agree that a provoking film like The Dark Knight is based in particular kind of socio-political world view. I call it bourgeois morality – and this has been primarily responsible for the way the characters in the movie were projected. The “good side” represents the ideal values of bourgeois society while the “bad side” is its bane, its anti-thesis. Questions of morality are evoked, only to conclude that people are intrinsically “moral” while the “immoral” ones are the exceptions.

If you’re familiar with the ‘patriotic movies’ of Hollywood, you will notice that a streak of anti-communism is evident is most of them. Now, The Dark Knight has been released at a time when the US is receiving criticism worldwide for its “war on terror.” The main theme of the movie is the conflict between the system and what it perceives as the anti-system and the extent to which the system can go to defeat its enemies. The system, represented by Batman, Dent, Rachel, Gordon et al is presented as being fundamentally good, though there a few black sheep. The challenge to the system, represented by the Joker and the mob is presented as being fundamentally bad, though they might have a few strong arguments in their favour. And the good guys within the system make sure that the system does not cross its limits even under extreme pressure from the bad guys.

It is to Nolan’s credit that he has allowed the “bad side,” the Joker, to make strong arguments in his favour instead of simply portraying him as a sadistic demon. But the limits of his objectivity ends there. Nolan covers up the fact that the bad guys are products of the system, of the economic order that creates striking inequalities among people. The mob is not a flaw existing outside the system, nay, it is a progeny of the very system that Batman & Co defend. If Carmine Falcone is morally wrong, then so is the society that fosters conditions that makes some people so desperate that they have to take recourse in crime. So in my opinion, which somewhat corresponds to that of the Joker, the system is the criminal and destroying the established order is part of the solution. But yeah, Batman would have none of it.

So what is Batman’s weltanschauung anyway? Look at Bruce Wayne, he’s the ideal American. White, rich, handsome and very.. ahem.. social. He’s the capitalist with a conscience, if there be such a creature. He is the corporate czar with a misplaced sense of social responsibility. He was witness to the murder of his parents by a vagrant in search of easy cash and thus, he feels that he was wronged by the scum of society. He decides to take it upon himself to defend society from its unwanted lot. And how does he do it? By becoming a hooded vigilante. But then, he is not a vengeful, violent character like, say, Wolverine. He has rules that he would never break. So I feel that the title of ‘Dark Knight’ is rather unsuitable for the Batman considering that he is desperately trying to play “fair” all the time. But for all his fairness, the Batman’s methods are doomed to fail because he’s barking up the wrong tree. Targeting individual criminals can never be the solution when society and its rules, morals, codes and values created by the ruling class to serve their own interests are the disease. And I believe that a wrong diagnosis can complicate the disease, make it worse. Then again, this is what bourgeois morality is all about.

Now to the Joker. He isn’t what his name suggests. The Joker in the Dark Knight is not the buffoon-villain played by Jack Nicholson in the first Batman. No, no. This is a very serious philosophical character, with a touch of dark humour, played to perfection by Heath Ledger. It is a tragedy that Ledger’s best performance had to be his last (I doubt whether anyone else can recreate the Joker the way Ledger did) – and he rightfully received the Academy Award for best supporting actor posthumously. I felt that that he was the real lead character in the movie considering that the Joker was the driver of all the main events – right from pushing Batman and the establishment to their wits end to “converting” Harvey Dent. I am not sure if he “put a smile on that face” when he kills Gambol, but he did put one on mine when he makes the following argument to Batman

“You see, their morals, their code, it’s a bad joke. Dropped at the first sign of trouble. They’re only as good as the world allows them to be. I’ll show you. When the chips are down, these… these civilized people, they’ll eat each other.”

Heath Ledger as The Joker

Ah! A man after my own heart. Ledger’s Joker is closer to reality than many would like to accept. Morals and codes of bourgeois society are constructs of the ruling classes with the primary purpose of maintaining their hegemony over society. A Nietzschean would say that that every system of morals is opposed to nature and reason. The hypocrisy of morality in bourgeois-feudal societies is all too obvious for those who observe it closely – it is bent, twisted or even temporarily done away with as and when required by the ruling classes. In societies like India, where structured inequalities ensure that a minority remains rich and a majority remains poor, a system of morality and rules created by a nexus of religion, society and politics serves as the perfect opiate of the masses, thereby ensuring “order.” The Joker attacks the hypocrisy of the bourgeois when he says that “they’re only as good as the world allows them to be.” He makes an effective argument that people show their true colours when their interests are affected – when that happens, “the civilization and justice of bourgeois order stand forth as undisguised savagery and lawless revenge” (thank you Marx).

Consider this conversation with Harvey Dent

“Nobody panics when things go “according to plan.” Even if the plan is horrifying!”

Now ain’t that true? The massacre of the Bhotmange family in Khairlanji didn’t provoke any reaction from the Indian bourgeois and its agents. But when that Aarushi Talwar case came on television everyone lost their minds! How could it happen to her? Murder or rape of Dalits is a daily affair but a good looking, fair-skinned, urban, upper caste, upper-class girl is not meant to die – its not “according to plan.” And so, you had television anchors screaming on top of their lungs, spoilt-brat organizations like YFE staging candlelight protests (they didn’t light a matchstick for the Dalits) and politicians trying to assure that ‘everything is under control.’ Tragedy is tragic only when it strikes close home.

The Joker has a solution to these structural inequalities

“Introduce a little anarchy. Upset the established order, and everything becomes chaos…Oh, and you know the thing about chaos? It’s fair!”

I guess that’s what necessary in India. Upsetting the established order of society – politics, economics, family, education, everything. Order in a semi-feudal country like ours, where discrimination is sanctioned by religion and enforced by society, has done more damage than good.

So let there be chaos!

“You poor take courage, you rich take care,
this earth was made a common treasury for everyone to share.
All things in common, all people one
they came in peace, next time we’ll bring a gun”

(The World Turned Upside Down)

An Open Letter to The Hindu

A friend asked me to look at the last page of the Hindu today (July 4th, 2009). At a first look, it appeared as though there were a lot of advertisements on the page. After a closer observation, I found out that I was not far from the truth. The lead article “Visiting the Vavuniya IDP camps: an uplifting experience” is nothing short of an advertisement for the Lankan government. The article flows like a good corporate ad – the (non-existent) virtues of the Lankan state have been overstated while its miserable failures have been understated.

I’ve been associated with the media enough to know how the Hindu functions, what are its holy cows, and its perception of “ethics.” I understand ‘Manufacturing Consent’ well enough to know how your dependence on being in the good books of the government and the corporates influences your paper’s stance. But what I don’t understand is your paper’s belief that your reader will accept your stories as gospel truth – this reflects in the quality of quite some your articles which are ideal cases of pamphleteering. And today’s article by Mr N. Ram takes the Oscar.

I fail to understand how a visit to any refugee camp can be an ‘uplifting experience,’ as Mr. Ram describes it. Every refugee is a tale of tragedy, a product of unfavourable circumstances beyond her/his control. And in Sri Lanka, they are products of an ethnic war, the roots of which lie in decades of state sponsored discrimination against the Tamils. Do you seriously think that all of your readers would fall for those pictures of all smiles and no tears? Do you think that we would believe that the Tamils would be happy in camps set up by a government that massacred their people by the thousands to apprehend a handful of so-called “terrorists”?

Never would the Hindu publish a story that is even mildly in praise of Israel. Never would the Hindu miss an opportunity to highlight the plight of the Palestinians. But different standards for genuine movements in India, Sri Lanka and China. But then, you have no interests worthy of concern in Israel. The Israeli govt doesn’t give your journalists free access like Sri Lanka or China. You don’t ruffle feathers in the Indian govt by adopting a pro-Palestinian stance but you might lose your precious government ads by being pro-Tamil or even mildly supportive of those brave tribals of Lal Garh. And let us not forget the Sri Lanka Ratna conferred on your Editor-in-chief by the Lankan state. Thus, the mistakes of the Lankan govt and the misery of the Tamil people – they don’t exist for the Hindu.

You try to portray a picture of being an “ethical” newspaper but your selective morality stands exposed in your coverage of people’s movements in and around India. You are no where near radical – you want to play it safe, be on the good side of the establishment. And your leftist stance? A farce, that will dropped at the first instance of trouble. I am willing to bet that if the Maoists target your interests tomorrow, you will sing paeans to the Salwa Judum. Even pro-right media orgs are better than you. At least they are honest about their stance.

PS I know that this letter will not be published. Truth hurts, and a paper like yours that lives in a world of constructed falsehoods wouldn’t want to face it. This exercise was to let you know that your readers are not fooled by your stories. That there are quite some who know the Hindu for what it is – a pro-establishment, bordering on the reactionary newspaper. There are others who are willing to wage an ideological war against such forces of reaction – through written letters, e-mails and blogs. Of course, we do not have a media mafia to back us, only the truth. And our conscience which we haven’t sold for some Ratna.

I wrote this letter as a response to the article “Visiting the Vavuniya IDP camps: an uplifting experience,” by N. Ram in the Hindu, Saturday, July 4th, 2009. A reliable contact within the Hindu told me that it was highly unlikely that my letter would get published. It was expected. My intention was to get the point across to the paper that there is resistance to their propoganda.

A Darshan of Two Swamys in My Dream

It was almost 1 am and I was tired after hours of debate with my friends (over several rounds of scotch, of course) about the situation in Sri Lanka and the way some ‘national’ news channels manufactured consent as well as content. We called it a day and returned our homes. Happily drunk, I hit the bed and fell asleep in a flash. And I entered dreamland.

There I was, one of the guests of a talk show on KDTV, a national news channel*. Darkha Butt, a famous TV journalist, was the anchor. The topic of debate? My pet subject.

Butt: Welcome to our show ‘Face the Country’ and we are live from Chennai. We have with us Mr. Subbuni Swamy, leader of the Jaalra Party, Mr. Jho Raaswamy, commentator on Tamil Nadu politics and Mr. Karthick Ram, activist.

The recent defeat of the LTTE and the death of Prabhakaran elicited different responses from various sections of political parties in Tamil Nadu. Many of them are in a state of denial, claiming that the Tiger leader is still alive. So Mr. Swamy, what do you think about the reactions in Tamil Nadu after the rout of the LTTE?

Sub: It is all a humbug. All those people who staged demonstrations were on the payroll of the LTTE. They are now frustrated that they’ve lost a source of income. Every Indian should be happy over the death of Prabhakaran.

Butt: Mr. Ram, how would you react to that statement?

Me: Well, I guess I’m not Indian then. Jus kidding.. Mera bharat mahaan. See, the so called “rout of the LTTE” – it was achieved at a terrible cost. Over 30,000 Tamil civilians were killed since January. The final operation was nothing less than a blood bath. The Lankan govt’s war is something beyond the military defeat of the LTTE – its objective is to humiliate the Tamils who dared stand up against the majoritarian state. The reactions in Tamil Nadu, condemning the genocide of Tamils, is owing to sympathy among the people here for their suffering brethren across the Palk Strait. There is no funding for sympathy, as Mr. Swamy alleges. And please call me Karthick. I don’t like to be called Ram.

Butt (laughing): Ok Karthick. But why are Tamil Nadu’s politicians in a denial mode over Prabhakaran’s death when even Tiger sources have confirmed it?

Me: Well, there are just too many unanswered questions and too many speculations around Prabhakaran’s death. The Lankan govt has given too many versions with too many loopholes for us to take its word as the truth. As for the Tiger’s version of events, they are something to consider. Personally, I’m not sure what to say right now.

Butt: Mr. Raaswamy, what would the Tigers do next? Can they make a comeback?

Jho: The Tigers are a decimated outfit. There is no coming back. Sri Lanka has shown the world how to deal secessionist-terrorists with an iron fist. India should learn from them in dealing with our own secessionist problems.

Butt: I think you have a point there. Mr. Swamy, there are many who claim that there is now a humanitarian crisis in Sri Lanka and that India has a moral responsibility towards the Tamils. What do you think India should do, now that the Tiger threat is over?

Sub: Some pro-LTTE elements try to paint Sri Lanka’s legitimate war against terrorists as a humanitarian crisis. Many English media outlets like your channel, many progressive newspapers, and popular intellectuals like myself and Mr. Raaswamy have repeatedly exposed their hollow accusations. Of course, some anti-national people like Arundhati Roy and Medha Patkar have spoken in favour of the so-called Tamil cause – but we shouldn’t take these terrorist supporters seriously. So what if some civilians die? This kind of things happens in all wars. National integrity is most important. As a responsible neighbour, India should extend all possible support to Sri Lanka in its efforts at reconstruction. After all, even the Sinhalese have umbilical cords with India.

Butt: What is your take on that Karthick?

Me: What ‘legitimate country’ uses its air-force to bomb its own civilians? Which democracy herds displaced people into camps which are little better than prisons? Don’t you know that Sri Lanka ranks among the lowest when it comes to press freedom and human rights? Sri Lanka is not a democracy – it is an ethnocracy where the state works for the majority community and disempowers its minorities through brute force. And India’s decision to back Sri Lanka in the UN Human Rights Council convention at Geneva speaks volumes about the moral standing of Gandhi’s country.

Jho: India opposing Sri Lanka is out of the question. We cannot lose a strategic ally for a bunch of Tamils. Also, if someone raises the Kashmir issue, we will be in soup.

Butt: Besides, LTTE killed Rajiv Gandhi…

Me: For how many years are you going to say this same thing? Till the Tamils are wiped out in Lanka? I don’t think supporting the butchering of ordinary Tamil civilians today just because some suicide bomber blew up one of your leaders in the past is the right thing to do. But then again, you’re the national media – you have your own rules and you bend them as and when you see fit. Your channel and a particular ‘progressive’ (in a sarcastic tone) newspaper based in Chennai cry bloody murder if Israel targets Palestinian civilians in their operations against Hamas. Are Tamil civilians lesser human beings? Have you no sensibility? Or are you just worried that you will lose your government ads or run into trouble with your pro-establishment corporate sponsors?

Butt (sheepishly): I.. ummm.. we are… err… ah! Mr. Swamy wants to say something.

Sub: I don’t think you should pay much heed to the words of these fellows. They lack credibility.

Me: Did YOU talk about credibility Mr. Swamy? This coming from a person who loses his deposits each time he contests from Tamil Nadu is a bad joke.

Sub: Do you dare question my credibility?

Me: Actually, I’m questioning the credibility of these so called national TV channels. I mean, lets face it. You are a non-entity in Tamil Nadu’s politics and Mr. Jho Raaswamy is at the most a comedian – his commentaries on politics are becoming sick jokes as he gets older. The section of population in Tamil Nadu that are likely to back you are a numerically insignificant lot. Yet, you talk as though you have the backing of 6.5 crore Tamils. And these English channels lap it up as though you two guys were the voice of Tamil Nadu. I’m not sure who are the clowns here – you guys living in a delusion of being politically relevant, or the news channels that give bigots like you the space to rave and rant.

Sub: You terrorist scum, you! I will sue you! I’ll have you booked under the NSA, USA, RSA, BSA etc. etc.

Me: No you can’t. You’re in MY dream. And that, my friend, is beyond the long arm of your laws. Haha hehe hoho…

I woke up laughing.

*All character that appear on the TV show, including the channel itself, are figments of my imagination. Any resemblance whatsoever to real persons or organizations is purely coincidental.

Is Eelam Over?

And though their hopes and dreams were shattered
let their deaths not be in vain
We must keep forever burning
freedom’s torch, the victor’s flame.

-Cheryl Berger

The Tamil Tigers are over, Eelam is over. So claimed the Sri Lankan government on the 18th of may – a claim which was echoed by many sections of the Indian media as well. Gory images, of what the Lankan government claimed to be, the bodies of Velupillai Prabhakaran and his son, Charles Anthony were telecast on news channels. The Lankan government also claimed that the entire top brass of the Tigers, including Pottu Amman and Soosai, were killed in the “final assault” on the Tigers. Till now, however, the Tigers have confirmed only the deaths of Nadesan and Pulidevan. They claim that the high command is still alive and active.

Yet, the images had their effect. Many in my family were horrified when they saw the image of a “dead Prabhakaran” on TV. Some wept. So would have thousands of Tamils across the world, for the charismatic leader of the LTTE meant many things to them. A cherished son to the old, an inspiring Annan to the young, a Sooriyathevan (sun god) to some fanatic supporters, a revolutionary icon, a romantic hero, a guardian. Above all, he symbolized hope. Even those Tamils to whom he was a ruthless despot now feel that the strongest voice that represented their cause has been silenced.

On the other side of the racial divide, among the Sinhalese, there was jubilation. Many news channels showed vulgar public display of triumph by the Sinhalese in Colombo. They were seen bursting crackers, beating drums, feeding sweets and cakes to “their heroes,” the security personnel. For them, it was not merely a victory of the army over the LTTE – it was the establishment of Sinhalese superiority over the Tamils. A Tamil contact from Sri Lanka told me that Tamils were harassed in many parts of the country, especially in the capital city. He said that Tamils were forced to shell out money to Sinhalese mobs so that they could buy sweets for the victory celebrations. Back home in Tamil Nadu, a friend who is closely associated with the Sri Lankan Tamils Protection Movement (SLTPM) said that if at all there is justice in the world, the Sinhalese would pay with their blood for every drop of tear shed by the Tamils. The victory of the Lankan army, if anything, has only accentuated the existing Tamil-Sinhala divide.

Prabhakaran dead?

After the news channels flashed disturbing images of “Prabhakaran’s body,” many theories emerged on his death. Some say he committed suicide. Some say that a close aide shot him. The Lankan army claims that they finished him off – and the Sri Lankan government has given half a dozen versions of the final encounter. Pro-LTTE outfits say that the body is not Prabhakaran’s, that it is a decoy. They also claim that the Lankan Army has used this ploy to divert attention from the large scale massacre of Tamil civilians that occurred in the last one month and to demoralize the Tamils. In fact, even the Tigers don’t seem to be unanimous in their stance. Selvarasa Pathmanathan, LTTE’s head of International Relations, claimed on May 24th that Prabhakaran “attained martyrdom fighting the military oppression.” This was promptly denied by the Tiger’s intelligence wing the very next day. Controversy, it appears, would not elude the elusive leader ever.

So is Prabhakaran dead? Or will he remain a mysterious disappearance like Subash Chandra Bose? The loopholes in the government’s versions have been pointed out by many experts on the issue. At the same time, unless there is a concrete proof that he is alive nothing much can be said on the Tigers’ contention that he is still active. What needs to be analyzed at the moment are the factors that led to the fall of the Tigers.

How the Tiger was trapped

The single greatest factor that contributed to the defeat of the Tigers was their transformation from guerilla warfare to conventional warfare. The Tigers were considered masters of guerilla warfare, placed on par with the Viet-Minh. They waged successful battles against the Sri Lankan army in Eelam Wars I, II and III and managed to capture huge swathes of territory. During the IPKF operations in Sri Lanka from 1987-90, the LTTE, who had a cadre strength of around 3000, were able to secure a decisive victory over a 100,000 strong army by deploying guerrilla strategy.

For an insurgent outfit, the greatest asset is fluidity. By Maoist terminology, the discontented Tamil masses were the “water” in which the guerilla fighters, the “fish,” could swim freely. But the transition to conventional warfare restricted the fluidity of the Tigers. In their transition, the Tigers flouted two main rules of insurgency – not to engage in battles that cannot be won and to be on the move continuously. The conventional mode of war is more suited for a state’s army – not for non-state actors. The Tigers functioning as a state’s army, providing no space for criticism and self-criticism, weakened them internally.

The defection of Karuna in March 2004, partly engineered by the Lankan government, came as a great blow to the LTTE. Karuna, who was the Eastern commander of the Tigers, took along with him a sizeable group of experienced fighters. They provided the Lankan army the much needed inside information on the Tigers. Soon after his defection, the Eastern provinces under the control of the Tigers fell to the military offensive like a house of cards.

‘World opinion,’ or the opinion of politically and economically powerful countries of the West, turned against what they dubbed ‘terrorism’ post 9-11. The governments of these countries saw no difference between one group and another – any non-state actor waging an armed struggle against a recognized state was considered terrorist. The eventual proscription of the LTTE in the US, Canada and the EU hit them where it hurt the most – their endless supply of funds from the Tamil Diaspora.

The political isolation of the Tigers in the South-Asian region, though it didn’t matter initially, worked against them in the long run. India, Pakistan and China, each having strong economic interests in Sri Lanka, went head over heels in their attempts to woo the Lankan government. While Pakistan and China were overt in their military assistance to Sri Lanka, India could not afford to do so, fearing a backlash in Tamil Nadu. It, however, covertly provided military equipment, training for Sinhalese soldiers, intelligence inputs and radars. Plus, Israel and Russia also provided military support to Sri Lanka through arms deals. One similarity about all these countries is that all face some form of secessionist-liberation struggles back home. Without any support from any government in the region, the Tigers were fighting a full fledged war against not one, but six forces. They were outnumbered and outgunned.

To sum it up, an analogy can be drawn between the predicament of the Tigers and the fate of Abhimanyu in the Mahabharata. Like Abhimanyu, the Tigers entered a form of battle that they were partially accustomed to. They fought against larger forces, with all odds against them. And like Abhimanyu, they fought valiantly to the last. The dubious role of Jayadratha, the character who prevented the Pandavas from reaching Abhimanyu in time, is best suited for India. In the past, India had prevented many an arms consignment from reaching the Tigers at crucial times in the war. So what was the role of the Lankan army in the Kurukshetra of the Vanni jungles? Similar to the role of Dushasan’s son who dealt the death blow to a battered and bruised Abhimanyu. They killed a wounded Tiger.

The idea of Eelam

“There is no end for Prabhakaran,” thundered Vaiko at a massive rally organized by the SLTPM on May 21st in Chennai. There is an element of truth in his statement. Prabhakaran was synonymous with an idea. An idea of Tamil Eelam, that emerged as a concrete concept after the Vadukkodai resolution of 1976. An idea of an independent state that the Tamils could call home. An idea of an egalitarian society sans bias, sans discrimination where free men and women would progress and prosper. An idea of struggle for justice and freedom. Prabhakaran is among those individuals who were identified with certain ideas and who survive in public memory through the ages. Prabhakaran used to say that history was his guide. The history of Prabhakaran and the Tigers serve as guides for any future action towards securing justice for the Tamils. Whether he is alive or dead, the idea of Prabhakaran lives in the hearts of millions of Tamils world over. And as long as that survives, the dream of Eelam will persist among the Tamils and will haunt Sri Lanka as a nightmare. This critical moment in the timeline of the Eelam struggle signals only the end of a phase, not the struggle as such. Tamil Eelam is not over. It has reached a new beginning.

Yet Another Farce Comes To An End

The election results for the 15th Lok Sabha are out. Some are jubilant. Some are crestfallen. New faces will be seen in the cabinet. The heads of prominent losers will roll. Over the next few days there will be party meetings and meetings for a party. Congratulatory greetings will be sent to the victors. Some sober losers will use the time to self-introspect. New alliances will be forged. Some old ones will be discarded. And finally, the UPA will form the government with Dr. Manmohan Singh as the Prime Minister. And another 5 years will go on till the next elections (unless something drastic changes the course of India’s polity, of course). But what happens to the ‘Aam Aadmi’?

No, the Aam Aadmi does not refer to those chic youth of Mumbai or Delhi who find so much space in the IBNs and the Times Nows. My Aam Aadmi refers to those millions of Indians who have benefited the least from the economic policies of the previous governments and are unlikely to from the current one’s either. These people who comprise the majority of India’s populace, unfortunately have minimal space in the media (but if Aishwarya Bachchan itches her nose, its national news). What has elections done for these people?

A cotton farmer who cast his vote in Vidharba would probably go back to his impoverished home, commit suicide and become a statistic in some report of Sainath in the future. A Dalit woman in Haryana would’ve been raped by upper caste villagers the day after she cast her vote – she would have little hope for justice no matter who represents her constituency. The agricultural labourer in Orissa who cast her vote on April 23rd would probably see her daughter die out of disease on May 23rd for the simple reason that there were no public healthcare facilities anywhere nearby and the nearest private clinic was too expensive for her. The people of some districts in Tamil Nadu voted and toppled some Congress giants in their strongholds for the Eelam cause – but of what use now? The people of Kashmir would’ve voted, secretly hoping for a referendum on their status in the near future. I do not know why those in the North East or those under Salwa Judum territory even vote. Procedural democracy in India exists – whether it is substantive is a question that requires answers.

A recent report by Sainath in a daily newspaper revealed that voting in Mumbai was only 41.41% this time. Mumbai. The city that never sleeps. The city of Bollywood. The city of some of the richest men in the country. The city of Mukesh Ambani’s 600 crore home And the city that houses the largest slum in Asia. Over 50% of Aamchi Mumbai’s residents live in the slums. And it was these people who formed the bulk of those who cast their votes. Uh..oh. What happened to the youth of those posh colleges of Mumbai who took out candlelight vigil protests against the 26-11 attacks on the Taj and the Oberoi? (Who cares about the CST anyway? If TV doesn’t cover it, its not news!) Where were those angry young women and men, whom the Barkhas and the Goswamis believed would teach a lesson to the politicians? Considering that these chaps, and their rich parents of course, were the primary beneficiaries of the neo-liberal policies of the government, wouldn’t they spare a couple of minutes to select their representatives? But we don’t want their soft, fair skins getting a tan, do we? Well, the lesson that seemed obvious out of the entire exercise was the politicians need the votes of the poor to serve the rich. That is, the poor elect the representatives of the rich. Is it then, as Marx and Lenin spoke about the functioning of a capitalist democracy, that the oppressed are allowed once every few years to decide which particular representatives of the oppressing class shall represent and repress them in parliament?

Of course, it would be naïve to suggest that all of the bourgeois kids would be indifferent to the electoral process. Quite a few would have cast their votes (for those who would serve their interests in the future). I, for one, am sure that quite some students from certain prestigious J-schools in the country would have voted. Well, they ought to. They are the future constituents of the fourth pillar, aren’t they? They would then boast about it on facebook/orkut and proudly display their index finger to their friends at Coffee Day, Barista or some expensive pub. That they will show their middle finger to the Aam Aadmi in the due course of their career is a different issue altogether.

For the poor, however, the polling booth is one place – in my opinion, the only place where democracy functions. This again, when you exclude cases of booth capturing or rigging. Democracy, otherwise, doesn’t exist for the underprivileged in India. The country’s healthcare sector is one of the most privatized ones in the world, even worse than that of the US’. A series of articles in the EPW dated Nov 22 2008, on the 30th anniversary of the Alma Ata revealed the glaring failures in India’s healthcare policy post 1991 reforms – things just went from bad to worse. And as a result, you have thousands of people dying of curable diseases for the sole reason that they can’t afford treatment. As far as education is concerned, apart from a few states that had a tradition of reform movements, India’s progress has been abysmal. Even primary schools don’t exist in 1000’s of villages across the country. Add to this feudal notions of caste superiority, pollution et al that prevail in society that have been minimally addressed by the state, in some cases, reinforced by it. So by the time a Dalit/Tribal student reaches collegiate education, she would have undergone thousand untold sufferings. But yeah, the chief argument put forth by the privileged classes against affirmative action is merit. A comparison with social progress achieved by ‘dictatorial’ Cuba should put the ‘world’s largest democracy’ to shame, if it has any.

So where is democracy in India? Are the benefits of democracy for the rich and the despotism of bureaucracy for the poor? Is the freedom guaranteed by Indian democracy then, as Lenin observed about capitalist societies, the same freedom guaranteed for slave owners in ancient Greek republics? If so, then what is to be done?

Well, I am not going to suggest anything that would be perceived as going against the sovereignty, integrity and whatever of India. I am a law abiding, UAPA-NSA fearing citizen, after all. Those who are working for Change with a capital C know best.

The Great Hindu Family

Family is regarded by many sociologists as the cornerstone of society. It forms the basic unit of social organization and it seems difficult to imagine how human society would function without it. The heterosexual family has been seen as a universal institution, as an inevitable and integral component of human society. Generally it has been regarded as a “good thing,” both for the individual and the society as a whole. This view has tended to divert attention from some important and interesting questions. For example, it has discouraged serious and detailed considerations of possible alternatives to the family. The feminist movements of the 1960s in the west, especially the left-liberal ones, shook the foundations of the patriarchal family by attacking its inherent flaw – the oppressive presence of the male member over the subordinate female member. The absence of such a strong movement in the discourse regarding women in India has led to a somewhat passive acceptance by a majority of the population of the patriarchal Hindu family. The family and kinship relations in India ensure the unquestioned dominance of the male over the female. And customs, ideology – especially that of the right-wingers, which is gaining more and more acceptance among large sections of the population, and the deployment of patriarchal authority help to define gender relations and keep them in place.

The role of women in society was succinctly stated by Kautilya in the Arthashastra. He states that “the aim of taking a wife is to beget sons.” In fact, even the Mahabharata holds that “The begetting of offspring, the nursing of children already born and the accomplishment of all acts necessary for the society, behold, all these have women for their cause.” The Arthashastra and the Manu Smriti, both considered as law codes for the Hindu society, laid huge restrictions on the sexual freedom of “family women” and sought to exercise patriarchal control over the bodies of women using social norms. The Manu Smriti says that “A woman should obey her father as an infant, obey the husband in her youth and obey the children when widowed.” In all, a woman has to depend on a male at every stage of her life and she cannot, at any point of time, exercise her will independently. The notions of sexual purity and maintaining the family lineage also restricted choices for the women. Endogamy was stressed by Hindu customs in order to keep the property of the feudal classes within themselves. Take this proposition by the Manu Smriti that “If a family suffers on account of not having a child, the women could obtain the consent of the father-in-law and the husband and have intercourse with the brother-in-laws and the close relatives of the husband and give birth to children.”

In this context, it is necessary to bring Engels’ arguments in The Origins of the Family, Private Property and the State. Engels argued that throughout the various stages of the history of humanity, more and more restrictions were placed on sexual relationships and the production of children. He speculated that from a stage of primitive communes, where “promiscuity” was normal, marriage and the family evolved through a series of stages to its present stage, the monogamous-patriarchal family. The monogamous family developed with the emergence of private property. The emergence of private ownership of production and the advent of the state to defend its economic interests also had a direct impact on familial and kinship relations in society. The state instituted laws to protect the system of private property and to enforce the rules of monogamous marriage – in our case, endogamy was also supported by the feudal states. Property was owned by males and in order for them to pass it on to their heirs, they must be certain of the legitimacy of those heirs. In Engels’ words “It is based on the supremacy of the man, the express purpose being to produce children of undisputed paternity; such paternity is demanded because these children are later to come into their father’s property as his actual heirs.” The men, therefore, needed greater control over the bodies and the sexualities of women so that there would be no doubt about the paternity of their offspring. Thus, the married “chaste” woman was an asset of the Hindu family, a property that had to be guarded against violation, an icon of the clan honor, an object of sexual gratification and a child-rearing machine.

The role played by Hindutva ideology has played a crucial role in reinforcing perceptions about the role of men and women in the Hindu family. The following is an observation by ‘Swami’ Shivananda, a Hindutva ideologue.

“ Hindu women have been the custodians of the Hindu race. Hindu religion and civilisation still survive in spite of the many foreign invasions. Other civilisations have come and gone, but only Hindu civilisation has survived on account of the purity of Hindu women. The women are taught to regard chastity as their most priceless possession, and the loss of it equal to the eternal damnation of their soul. From their very childhood religion is ingrained in Hindu women. As such they illumine and enliven the home through the glory of their purity. This is the secret of the endurance of the Hindu religion, civilisation and culture.”

His views on Hindu women more or less sums up the notion of women in Hindu right-wing ideology. The Hindu woman was supposed to be protected from the lustful advances of “the other communities” by the family – and the Parivar, assuming the task of an extended patriarchal family, took on this responsibility with vigor in public spheres. The past few years have witnessed numerous cases of Sangh Parivar hooligans going around cities in North India and beating up couples whom they suspected of having an “inter-religious love affair.” The notion that the Hindu woman is a part and property of the larger Hindu family has become firmly entrenched in the minds of huge sections of people in North India and this reactionary ideology is slowly gaining strength in the South. In fact, even the women ideologues of the Hindu right wing do not dare to transgress feudal perceptions of feminity. In the words of an activist of the Mahila Vibhag, the women’s wing of the Vishva Hindu Parishad, “We do not want women’s liberation but Nari Shakti. We want that as a mother or as a wife, a woman should have power.” Not surprising, considering that Golwalkar, the chief ideologue of the RSS thought that teaching samskaras to women was more important than eradicating female illiteracy.

The propagation of this kind of ideology has led to deployment of excessive patriarchal authority over women where it did not exist, besides glorification of the same where it existed. The Hindu male is burdened with the job of being a guard to the chastity of his women. The women, despite whatever education she might possess, is still considered the sexual property of the Hindu male.

A Fight to the Finish?

Belying speculations that he might have fled Sri Lanka, the recent reports of LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran being spotted in the no-fire zone in Pudhukudiyiruppu have raised new concerns for the Sri Lankan establishment. Prabhakaran and his son, Charles Anthony, who have emerged occasionally from their bunkers to interact with the civilians according to news reports from the war zone, are believed to have requested the Tamils to rise-up against the government forces and not to leave their homes. The Sri Lankan defence ministry has alleged that by doing so, Prabhakaran was attempting to precipitate a humanitarian crisis.

But a humanitarian crisis has existed much before Prabhakaran’s “recent attempts” to create one. The Sri Lankan armed forces have regularly targeted civilian settlements of the Tamils under the cover of eliminating “Tiger strongholds.” Besides civilian casualties, there are huge sections of the population that have been rendered homeless. Going by UN estimates, it is believed that more than 1,00,000 Tamil civilians are trapped in the Pudhukudiyiruppu region, the last bastion of the Tigers. The Sri Lankan government besides criticizing the estimates as being exaggerated, also accused the Tamils Tigers of holding the civilians as hostages. Interestingly, in separate reports, the Sri Lankan military claimed that the fighting force of the LTTE was reduced to less than 500 combatants.

It is logically impossible for 500 fighters, who are locked in combat with an advancing army, to hold such a huge number of people at gunpoint. Firstly, the Sri Lankan government has done little to disseminate proper information about the “safe-zones” to the trapped civilians. Secondly, the reality is that a huge majority of the trapped civilians are reluctant to move over to the government held areas, fearing possible interrogation, torture and even murder by the government forces. These fears are not entirely unsubstantiated. There have been numerous incidents in the recent past where Tamil civilians, suspected of having connections with the Tigers, were taken for interrogation from camps in Vavuniya and never returned.

The absence of independent human rights monitors in these regions makes it impossible to check occurrences of abuses by security forces and the curbing of the press ensures that many such incidents are rarely highlighted in the media. All these work to the advantage of the Sri Lankan government, which, in its “war on terror” has paid little heed to humanitarian concerns. What is happening in Sri Lanka can easily be classified as genocide, by any international standards.

The Tigers on their part should not discourage those civilians who wish to move over to the government zones. Prabhakaran can be expected to fight to the finish and he would expect the same from his cadres. After all, the Tigers consider themselves combatants waging a liberation war against a genocidal state. But the plight of innocent civilians caught between the LTTE and the advancing Sri Lankan Army deserves international attention. The sad situation for the Tamil civilians is that their choices are limited. If they move over to the government zones, they might be killed. If they remain in the war zones, they will be killed. It is a choice between an uncertain life and a certain death.